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A Public Empire: Property and the Quest for the Common Good by Ekaterina Pravilova

By Ekaterina Pravilova

“Property rights” and “Russia” don't frequently belong within the similar sentence. particularly, our basic snapshot of the country is of lack of confidence of non-public possession and defenselessness within the face of the nation. Many students have attributed Russia’s long term improvement difficulties to a failure to develop estate rights for the trendy age and blamed Russian intellectuals for his or her indifference to the problems of possession. A Public Empire refutes this generally shared traditional knowledge and analyzes the emergence of Russian estate regimes from the time of Catherine the nice via global conflict I and the revolutions of 1917. most significantly, A Public Empire shows the emergence of the recent practices of possessing “public things” in imperial Russia and the makes an attempt of Russian intellectuals to reconcile the protection of estate with the beliefs of the typical good.

The ebook analyzes how the assumption that yes objects—rivers, forests, minerals, ancient monuments, icons, and Russian literary classics—should accede to a few form of public prestige built in Russia within the mid-nineteenth century. specialist specialists and liberal politicians endorsed for a estate reform that aimed toward exempting public issues from inner most possession, whereas the tsars and the imperial govt hired the rhetoric of shielding the sanctity of personal estate and resisted makes an attempt at its limitation.

Exploring the Russian methods of pondering estate, A Public Empire looks at difficulties of nation reform and the formation of civil society, which, because the ebook argues, will be rethought as a means of developing “the public” during the reform of estate rights.

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Extra resources for A Public Empire: Property and the Quest for the Common Good in Imperial Russia

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21 The New Age went further, condoning, indeed glorifying, such acts as the murder of tsarist officials, while it singled out Spiridonova herself for greatness. The editors held that the death sentence meted out to Spiridonova (in March 1906) was commuted to 20 years’ hard labour ‘in deference to public opinion which had been aroused by knowledge of her torture’. 22 It is ironic that while Spiridonova desired the death penalty and was angry at being denied her ultimate act of sacrifice, the British press saw the tsarist authorities as torturing her by with-holding news of the reprieve until the last minute.

35 These succeeded in attracting a large if loose following, estimated by the Police Department (early 1908) at around 360,00036 – perhaps too high a figure that includes sympathisers, indeed anyone prepared to resist actively what was regarded as provocation by radicals, or for that matter by the establishment. John Keep 29 The most intriguing aspect of ‘Black Hundred-ism’ is its ambivalent relationship with the powers-that-be. ) saw themselves as patriots and monarchists. They advocated a strong, ethnically homogeneous state power, even though in practice their activities undermined respect for the legal order and embarrassed the government.

I. W. Daly in Voprosy istorii, 8, 2003, pp. 3–36. For a balanced analysis see S. D. Klier and S. Lambroza (eds), Pogroms: Anti-Jewish Violence in Modern Russian History (Cambridge, 1992), p. 240. Daly, Autocracy under Siege, pp. 181–2. Ascher, Revolution of 1905, vol. 2, pp. 245–9, 326: Ascher, Stolypin, pp. 138–47. Geifman, TSK, p. 228. D. Dahlmann, ‘Ein politischer Prozess im vorrevolutionären Russland: Sozialrevolutionäre vor Gericht’ in H. Haumann and S. Plaggenborg (eds), Aufbruch der Gesellschaft im verordneten Staat: Russland in der Spätphase des Zarenreiches (Frankfurt, 1994), pp.

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